Saturday, 4 May 2013

ANP says militancy can not be rooted out sans government-civil society alliance.


ANP says militancy can not be rooted out sans government-civil society alliance.


Bahsir Jan, Sindh General Secretary in Sindh, says law and order in Karachi is worst than Waziristan.

Says use of force against militants could only be fruitful when the government and civil society take are on the same page.

The ANP leader, who often wears a bulletproof jacket after braving two recent attempts on his life, says discrepancies like “good” and “bad” Taliban  make the situation more complicated.

Supports negotiations with Taliban? Bashir says "Whom should we talk to. There is no one office, organization or leadership here. There is Mangal Bagh, there is Wali Rehman and a lot of other militant factions.”

PML-N rejoices arrival of Army in Karachi, do you?


PML-N rejoices arrival of Army in Karachi, do you?


“Welcome Pakistan Army welcome. Pakistan Army has arrived at Keamari Jungle Shah College to ensure free and fair elections,” reads a text message circulated in the city on Friday by the candidates, workers and supporters of Nawaz League.

“Thanks to Election Commission of Pakistan,” the SMS adds.

Saddening colors of labor unfold on May Day: Man-made wars, poverty put Afghan refugees, minority members into dirty labor

Saddening colors of labor unfold on May Day:
Man-made wars, poverty put Afghan refugees, minority members into dirty labor
Searching Bread in Dirt


15yr old Afghan Refugee Bashir is missing his school

May 1, 2013


KARACHI: As May 1, the international Labor Day, saw the world expressing solidarity with the laborers there are some in this densely-populated financial hub of Pakistan who have to worry about much more than meeting the two ends meal
The identity dilemma can be the most appropriate word we could use while telling the story of millions of Afghan refugees, Christian minority members and the internally displaced persons.

These under-privileged segments of our class-based society, willy-nilly, have to do dirty jobs to earn livelihood for their poor dependents living, in most cases, far away from them even in a different country. Putting their hands in filthy garbage and stinky gutters is the lifestyle they hatefully had to adopt for reasons ranging from the damaging side-effects of the US-led global War on Terror to a simple lack of education.

“Kuchray Wala” (trash collector) and “Bhungy” (sweeper) are the titles we generally assign to such poor laborers who could not have the luxury to stretch back at home even on May Day, an international public holiday.

To Basheer Mohammad, a 13-year-old Afghan refugee who lives at a garbage dump in impoverished Bhutta Village area of Keamari Town with his elderly father and younger brother, words like Labor Day or Child Labor mean nothing.

“I don’t go to school now,” said the kid when this reporter spotted him filling his half-full gunny bag with recyclable trash at the garbage dump in the scorching sunlight of Wednesday afternoon.

Dressed untidily, the afghan boy was looking for trash preferably made of plastic, iron or paper that, he said, was saleable at a price ranging from six to 354 rupees per kilogram. Basher whereas was reluctant to spare some time for an uncalled for interview, his nearby-working father, Mohammad Hussain, had a lot to share his plight with Pakistan Today.

“I have to leave my family back in Afghanistan and shift to an Afghan refugee camp here in Sohrab Goth when half and a year back a fight between Taliban and Americans reduced my only vehicle to ashes,” he said. Mohammad hails from Jowzjan, one of 34 provinces of Afghanistan which had been a hotspot of war on terror in the war-ravaged country.

Besides Basheer, the 60-year-old bearded man fathers Ali Mohammad, 15, Raj Mohammad, 10, Akhtar Mohammad, 7, Khan Mohammad, 4 and 11-year-old Shatireena who, in Afghanistan, goes to a seminary to get Islamic education. His wife, Ameena, is a house wife.

“All my children including Basher used to go to school until I got my vehicle burnt that left me heavily indebted (Rs 4 lac). So I had to migrate here in search of livelihood,” said Mohammad who has to pay Rs 40,000 under a one-year contract he has entered into with one of his countrymen (Afghan) for collecting garbage from the area.

The 15-year-old Ali too, he said, was associated with the dirty job he was compelled to do.

What, however, perturbs the troubled family the most is the question of their identity. “Police every now and then stop us and ask for the Identity Cards that have expired,” said the old man. “Just couple of days back the police stopped our vehicle and took Rs 200 from each of us saying you don’t have identity cards,” recalled Basheer who used to study in Class 7 in his heydays.

Why don’t you have the identity cards? “Because they say the new ‘Bacha’ (king) would decide whether we should be issued new ID cards or sent back to Afghanistan,” replied Mohammad. “We are waiting for the election results now,” said the brilliant child labor.

The poor garbage collectors said thousands of Afghans living in a Mohajir Camp near Sohrab Goth were facing the same fate. According to official figures up to 2005 some 2.7 million homeless Afghans were living in Pakistan of which, the UNHCR data suggest, only 1.7 million were registered.

According to Basher, many of his countrymen were affiliated with relatively profitable garbage business in Machar Colony, Teen Hatti, Sohrab Goth, Keamari, Shershah, Sadder other impoverished city neighborhoods.

“Who would willingly love to live far away from his family? I would go back to my country when the security situation there improves,” said Mohammad who is very appreciative of Pakistan, he described as “Islamic country”, and it’s very caring people.

Sarfaraz David, a Christian employee of Karachi Water and Sewerage Board who must clean private gutters in part-time to make sustenance for his 8-member family, was another neglected labor seen walking fast on the I.I Chundrigar Road near Jang Press Building with a thin bamboo and long iron bar in his hand.

“If we take an off what would we eat sir. You know, inflation is so backbreaking that we can’t be choosy in terms of work,” replied 35-year-old David, who lives with his parents, spouse, three children and a youngling brother in a rented house of Esa Nagri.

Drawing only Rs 8000 from KWSB, David has to clean gutters as a part-time to support his family. Even this part-time job, as he said, does not make a difference. “Some give me Rs 50 or Rs 100 at maximum,” said David whose father, Mr David, had migrated to Karachi from Faisalabad, he could not recall when.
His brother also was struggling in a private firm and earning Rs 7,000 a month.

Besides poverty, David also has to fight with the contemptuous behavior of the people around. “People despise us as Bhungy (sweeper) but all we can do is to get sad,” he was visibly shocked. Another factor he cited as haunting his fraternity was religious bigots.

“We are living here for decades but without having a clear idea whether or not we are Pakistanis,” said the poor laborer adding “There are people who embrace us but there are some who hate us.”

A rough estimate shows that each of the Christian and Hindu minorities constituted 208 million or 1.6 percent of Pakistan’s total population back in 2005.
Asked if he was OK with his dirty job David replied in negative: “Who would like to dip his hands in filthy stinky sewage water if not compelled”. Why this job only? “Because I am uneducated and then the dividend here is relatively higher than other private jobs,” he replied.

Abdullah, 25, is another hard working labor from Quetta, the federal capital of Balochistan province, who was seen at work on the May Day. He has his own issues pertaining to the law and order and the resultant downing rates of recyclable garbage he collects from dawn to dusk in various localities of this violence-hit metropolis.

“The violence in this city really is haunting us both in terms of business and physical safety,” said the youngling trash collector who lives in Gulshan-e-Sikandar Ababd area of Keamari Town.

Holding a gunny bag half-full of different refuses, Abdullah said at least four of his relatives had fallen prey to incidents of ethnic violence in the city. “I still remember how 8-year-old Mohammad had got killed in crossfire between two ethnic groups in Machar Colony,” he recalled.

The city’s uncertain law and order situation, he said, had rendered the buyers (of scrap) without cash. “Gone are the days when the buyers used to pay us on the spot. Every next day the banks are closed for a strike or violence. They say we can’t en-cash our cheques,” he said.

This uncertainty, Abdullah complained, also had brought the prices of recyclable scrap down. The trash items made of plastic, iron and paper that once used to be priced at Rs 42, Rs 48 and Rs 20 per kilogram now fetch, respectively, Rs 35, Rs 38 and Rs 10 only. The rates of scrap copper also decreased to Rs 550 form Rs 800 a kilo.

Abdullah, who is Maddrassah-educated and is engaged to be married soon, sees Karachi as an ideal place for living provide the city become peaceful for all those living here. -ENDS

To The Negotiating Table

To The Negotiating Table

Had I not been a firm believer of the view that most of the traditional concepts of conflict resolution in the discipline of international relations are outdated, I would have cast serious doubts on the TTP’s willingness to conditionally parley with the government dominated by the infidels, as the self-styled crusaders perceive of the declared secular parties like PPP, ANP and their other coalition partners.

In the post-9/11 world, the nature of conflicts and the parties involved therein have introduced a watershed change in the paradigms of conflict resolution methods. The wars being fought across the globe today see the states predominantly engaged with the non-state actors. And the non-state actors are those who, having already chosen militancy as a lifestyle and with no public pressure on their back, are totally unwary of the outcome of any process of negotiations they rarely opt for. These non-state actors, therefore, have the leverage to dictate terms and conditions for the talks.

In case of TTP in Pakistan, this leverage stands automatically doubled with Taliban seeing the world’s sole super military might, the US, backed by NATO, having ultimately chosen the path of dialogue to wrap up the decade-old guerrilla warfare in Afghanistan.

If evaluated against the backdrop of conventional conflict resolution methods, the TTP, being one of the conflicting sides, must come to the negotiation table sans preconditions that most of the time constitute the bone of contention between the warring groups. In fact, the belligerents, when sit across the table, negotiate these preconditions to pave the way for a broader range of parleys. This, however, is not the case with the so-called Pakistani Taliban who apparently tend to hold the most-discussed talks with arms in their hands.

No sane person would ever buy the contention that the TTP is serious in holding result-oriented talks with the politico-judicially-embattled government if the banned outfit’s conditional willingness for peace comes with the determination to ‘eliminate’ MQM, a major coalition partner of the ruling PPP and one of the most prominent stakeholders in the current polity in Pakistan.

Also, terming the imprisoned Muslim Khan and Maulvi Omar as the would-be leaders of their peace-negotiating team, the Taliban have linked the start of dialogues with their release. This is the most predictable stumbling block for the talks yet to commence. If analysed in depth, Sunday’s video message of TTP Spokesman Ihsanullah Ihsan or Yaseen Safi, Ihsan’s reported real name, depicts anything but Taliban’s willingness to shun violence, at least in the foreseeable future.

Instead, the TTP, seeking a trilateral guarantee from the leadership of PML-N, JUI-F and JI, seems to have some underlying political designs that, if not contained pragmatically, are very much likely to plague the electioneering country with a fresh political turmoil. Having already used terminologies like good and bad Taliban, we would soon be witnessing politicians categorised as pro- and anti-Taliban. Though murkily, politics is lurking from the ambiguous conditions set forth by the Taliban. What is more alarming, however, is the fact that the stakeholders from the govt’s side are also not apolitical in their response.

ANP’s KPK Information Minister Mian Iftikhar Hussain, who has lost his only son to militancy in the terrorism-stricken province, was quick in reportedly claiming that TTP had responded to ANP’s offer. “In fact, banned TTP expressed willingness for dialogue in response to ANP’s offer,” he said last Sunday. Another political touch in this entire episode is the fact that all of the leaders the TTP confided in as ‘guarantors’ from the military’s side are presently sitting in the opposition block and have one thing in common: anti-Americanism.

The three Taliban favourites also have a clear idea, more than others, of the realities on ground in a country like Pakistan where they know Parliament is not the only centre of power. This apprehension can be seen at work in a recent statement of Maulana Fazlur Rehman who has linked his role as a mediator with ‘total authority’.

This is an open secret that the shrewd Maulana is asking the all-powerful Pakistan Army for ‘total authority’ and not the elected government which cannot deal, unilaterally, with strategic issues Pakistan is facing on the War on Terror front. Also, the PPP-led political government is less likely to give a free space to these three politicians who are its potential rivals, most prominently PML-N, in the forthcoming election. PPP’s trouble-shooter, Interior Minister Rehman Malik, has sought ‘next few days’ for response to TTP’s offer.

JUI’s Deputy Secretary General Farid Paracha has already put enough weight behind this impression by saying that how his party could play as a guarantor given the government’s unwillingness to implement even the parliamentary resolutions.

Amid these miscomprehensions and apprehensions, the PPP would end up with the only choice of mobilising another Taliban favourite: Dr Abdul Qadeer Khan. Dr Khan, the father of Pakistan’s nuclear programme, and a disgraced figure for his alleged involvement in nuclear proliferation, is a ‘national asset’ to TTP, as Ihsan dubbed him in his 7-minute video message. It is prerequisite for a conflict resolution process that the mediator be acceptable to all sides. The non-partisan status of Dr Khan makes the former nuclear scientist equally a preferred choice for the PPP government.

What is direly needed in this country is to have a single legitimate decision-making central authority, let’s say the Parliament, which could independently decide the ill-defined national interest of Pakistan.

Putting it more simply, we would never be able to put an end to this never-lasting ideological fight called War on Terror if all pillars of the state, which include the government, army, judiciary, media and bureaucracy, fail to go hand-in-hand in bargaining with the militants.

The writer is a Karachi-based journalist. He can be reached at ismaildilawar@gmail.com - See more at: http://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/2013/02/08/comment/columns/to-the-negotiating-table/#sthash.0bqRCMm7.dpuf

Thursday, 2 May 2013

The once Prince

Machiavelli sends Caesar Musharraf of Pakistan behind bars

“Considerations of the welfare of the state must outweigh any considerations of individual or group welfare,” Professor D R Bhandari quoted the 15th century political philosopher Machiavelli as advising the then Prince Caesar Borgia of the City State of Florence (Italy) in his monumental book: “History of European Political Philosophy”, printed first in 1937 in the Indian state of Bangalore.

“In the interests of the state he (the prince) must be ready to sin boldly,” Machiavelli goes on to spell out his, what the political scientists later termed as, “realpolitik” in his book “The Prince” while teaching the Caesar the art of the government.

Going through this inhumane, highly desensitised and state-centric Machiavellian political philosophy, I found, time and again, the image and statements of the dictator-turned-politician Pervez Musharraf flashing in my mind.

Under his self-proclaimed notion of Pakistan First, Musharraf served the state interest well by belittling individual and group interest through, as Machiavelli suggests, sinning boldly in the face of wiping out Baloch leader Nawab Akbar Bugti, an individual, and the students of Lal Masjid, a group.

Greatly inspired by Aristotelian philosophy, Machiavelli (1469-1527) idealised his “new prince” as a leader who had seized a state with force. The Oct 12 coup in 1999 makes Musharraf a perfect mirror image of Machiavelli’s new prince who had grabbed the power of the state with the unparalleled (internally) might of Pakistan Army.

If media reports are to be cited, Musharraf, the ex-army chief who ruled Pakistan with an iron fist for nine long years, has been in a deep trouble ever since his homecoming from self exile.

The former president is sub-jailed in his farmhouse in Chak Shehzad to undergo a fortnightly judicial remand by a Joint Investigation Team (JIT) probing the APML chief for his alleged house-arresting of 60 members of superior courts for over five months post Nov 3, 2007, emergency.

As is evident from the retired general’s facial expressions visible in almost all of his news photos, Musharraf, a tested proponent of use of force as a head of the state, sees no quarter extending him an olive branch, something that makes his fate highly uncertain. And vulnerable in the worst case.

The atmosphere surrounding him is increasingly hostile with politicians, media, judiciary, lawyers, civil society and even army not ready, seemingly, to extend the most desirable helping hand to the former dictator.

What makes things worse for the “Pakistan First” fame former army chief is the fact that some of his past political allies from the now-electioneering PML-Q, MQM, PML-F, NPP and other political parties which ruled the country for years under his autocratic regime, have distanced themselves from the judicially-embattled general.

Instead, the senators from PML-Q and MQM extended a “silent support” to a couple of PPP-PML-N-backed resolutions calling for Musharraf to be tried under article 6 of the constitution during proceedings of the upper house.

To the discomfort of former general, this sudden change of political loyalties substantiates the proverbial impression that there is no permanent enemy and permanent friend in politics, but permanent interest.

The lawyers, who had waged a nationwide movement against Musharraf regime for the restoration of judiciary, also gave a cold shoulder to the retired general when the latter, reportedly, tried to pass on a friendly smile to a group of lawyers present at last Saturday’s proceedings at the ATC. Apparently, a confidence building measure taken by the former statesman, as his fast-depleting admirers still call him, this uncalled-for smile and the response thereof speak volumes about the level of antagonism the black coats harbour for the ex-dictator. Not to mention the earlier shoe-throwing at the Sindh High Court.

His former colleagues in uniform, once dubbed by the proud general as his “skin”, also appear to be indifferent to, what an APML spokeswoman Saturday claimed “judicial terrorism” a judge of the Islamabad High Court had committed against Musharraf on April 18 by ordering his arrest after the dismissal of the APML chief’s petition for pre-arrest bail.

Given the serious nature of other high-profile cases and the public sentiments attached to them, one can aptly surmise that the path ahead for the self-declared ex-commando is extremely rocky.

His detractors whereas want him to be punished for all the alleged wrongdoings he had committed during his reign, the former president and army chief insists that he only had acted in the national interest as a head of the state.

And here is where one can see the ruthless Machiavellian philosophy at work. By attributing his past unpopular deeds to the ill-defined national interest, Musharraf, like most of the rulers in contemporary world, wants to convey the message that his bloody use of force against Lal Masjid students, Nawab Akbar Bugti, agitating lawyers and even the media persons during Nov 2007 emergency was justified.

Put a cursory glance at the contemporary human history and you would find scores of Musharrafs committing crimes against humanity in the name of broader national interest, an ill-defined, ambiguous term mostly used, rather misused, by the rulers to justify their unpopular deeds.

This is the 15th century, out-fashioned, Machiavellian approach that made the biggest champions of international human rights in Obama regime assassinate international fugitive Osama bin Laden on May 3, 2011, in Abbotabad, extra-judicially. The Boston police just followed the suit by killing, in an overnight shootout, Tamerlan Tsarnaev, one of two Chechen brothers suspected for Monday’s deadly Marathon blasts.

It is unclear as to what extent Caesar Borgia of Florence had put into effect the Machiavellian guidelines. One thing, however, can be said with surety that if alive today the Italian political philosopher would have been overwhelmed to see many of his followers sitting at the helm of affairs. Musharraf would be a special pupil to Machiavelli who in his world famous book defines an ideal ‘new prince’ as an “enlightened despot” of an “unmoral” and not immoral type.

The former autocrat’s slogan of “enlightened moderation” whereas still has not set well with the predominantly ideological society of Pakistan, his successor General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani, in his recent speech to military cadets at Kakul, has kick-started another intellectual debate by unveiling his own interpretation of the creation of Pakistan that, the army chief said, was “created in the name of Islam and Islam can never be taken out of Pakistan”.

This untimely rhetoric, as critics called it, of General Kayani, whose perceived all-powerful influence in the country’s political affairs makes him a de facto head of the state, seems to have set another theoretical tone for the crises-hit nation state of over 180 million.

So it’s the states, and not individuals, be it Musharraf, Basharul Assad, Saddam Hussain or Kayani for that matter, which require heads of the state to, as Machiavelli put it centuries ago, “sin boldly” to protect interest of the state.

All said and done, the crimes against humanity at the hands of Machiavellian states would go unabated unless the world senses the longstanding and pressing need for making the state humane.

The rulers, while formulating policies, would have to do away with the barbaric Machiavellian thoughts that might have conformed to the political paradigms of 15th century but are completely out of fashion in today’s globalised, pragmatically enlightened and questioning international society.

Or else, awakening societies like Pakistan would continue to witness more trials of these military, as well as civilian, dictators.

The writer is a researcher and a working journalist. He can be contacted at: ismaildilawar@gmail.com - See more at: http://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/2013/04/29/comment/the-once-prince/#sthash.zawG21Mf.dpuf